Fundamentalism: Faith, Fear & Fury
PART
II
A service by the Rev. James Dace
August 1, 2004

Read PART I of this Sermon

READING:
(from The Battle for God, by Karen Armstrong)

"(By the early-20th century), modern people had, in various ways, become aware of a void at the heart of culture. The French existentialist Jean-Paul Sartre called it the God-shaped hole in human consciousness, where the divine had always been but had now disappeared. The astonishing achievements of scientific rationalism had made the very idea of God incredible and impossible for many Western people.

Still, the world was in many ways a much better place, and people were evolving new secularist spiritualities, seeking in literature, art, sexuality, psychoanalysis, drugs or even sport, a sense of transcendent meaning that gave their lives value. By the middle of the 20th century, most Western people assumed that religion would never again play a major part in world events; it had been relegated firmly to the private sphere, and this seemed right: in Western Christendom, religion had often been cruel and coercive; the needs of the modern state demanded that society be tolerant. There could be no going back to the age of crusade or inquisition. Secularism was here to stay.

At the same time, the world had to come to terms with the fact that the "void" was no longer just a "psychic" vacuum, but had been given graphic and terrifying embodiment. Between 1914 and 1945, 70 million people in Europe and the Soviet Union had died violent deaths. It was no longer possible to assume that a rational education would eliminate barbarism (after) the Nazi Holocaust. The horrors of the 2nd World War only ended with the explosion of atomic bombs over Japanese cities; now, it appeared, human beings no longer needed a supernatural deity to end the world.

The death camp and the mushroom cloud must be taken to heart so that we do not become chauvinistic about modern scientific culture. But these icons can also give us insight into the way some religious people regard modern society, the way in which they also experience the absence of God. Some fundamentalists see modernity as equally evil and demonic; their vision of the secular city fills them with something of the same dread and helpless rage as overtakes the liberal secularist who gazes into the darkness of Auschwitz. It is important that we understand the dread and anxiety that lie at the heart of fundamentalism because only then will we begin to comprehend their passionate rage and frantic desire to fill the void with certainty to stop ever-encroaching evil.

MEDITATION
(the last lines of the poem "The Second Coming" by W.B. Yeats, 1920)
Surely, some revelation is at hand; 
Surely, the Second Coming is at hand.
…The darkness drops again; but now I know
That 20 centuries of stony sleep
Were vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle,
And what rough beast, its hour come at last,
Slouches toward Bethlehem to be born?

MESSAGE

Last week, I showed the foundations of Fundamentalism, a reaction against the modern emphasis on Pure Reason as the sole path to Truth; we saw how fundamentalism exists in a symbiotic relationship with an aggressive liberalism or secularism such that, whenever they feel under attack, they will invariably become more isolated and more extreme. Their successes in the early 20th century, which aimed to drive liberals out of their denominations, culminated in the Scopes Trial in Dayton, TN—Clarence Darrow against William Jennings Bryant—which, even though John Scopes was found guilty of violating that state’s laws by teaching Darwin’s theory of evolution, the liberals were the victors, winning the war of public opinion.

After their humiliation following the 1925 Scopes Trial, fundamentalists retreated from society. They were not simply withdrawing out of pique at not having their vision accepted by mainstream culture; they were impelled to do so by the fear of extinction that is at the heart of their vision. Liberal Christians thought the fundamentalist crisis was over and the mainstream denominations again drew most of the believers. But instead of disappearing, fundamentalists were putting down deep roots at local levels. There were still conservatives in those mainstream denominations and, while they had lost all hope of expelling the liberals, they had not relinquished their belief in the "fundamentals;" they stayed their distance from the majority and the more radical formed their own denominations. They also began to found new organizations, their own colleges, publishing houses and radio and television stations. Replacing the old traveling revival preachers, a huge broadcasting network linked fundamentalists across the nation.

In the counterculture they were creating, fundamentalists established safe, sacred enclaves against the surrounding profaneness, retreating from the world to protect their faith from assaults by the enemy. Believing they had been displaced from the center of American life, they were a religion of rage rooted in deep fear and finding scapegoats was not difficult: the "Jewish menace" and Roosevelt's "Jewish New Deal" were denounced as satanic, as was everything liberal; they were continuing their swing to the political Right.

For them, World War II proved that there could be no world peace, for the Bible contradicted such a utopian liberal dream. The atomic bomb had been foretold by Peter, who had predicted that on the last day, "with a roar the sky will vanish, the elements will catch fire and fall apart, the earth and all that it contains will be burnt up." They had been right all along: the Bible was, indeed, inerrant and must be read according to its plain, common sense.

This fatalism gave the fundamentalists a sense of superiority: they had privileged information denied to nonbelievers; they knew that the catastrophic events of the 20th century were heading toward Christ's final victory. Their fantasies were fueled further when the State of Israel was proclaimed in 1948, Jerry Falwell declaring this “the greatest single sign indicating the imminent return of Christ, the most important date in history since the ascension of Jesus into heaven.”

Still deeply suspicious of Jews, support for the state of Israel became mandatory since Israel’s history was beyond human influence, determined only by God, and Jesus could not return, the Last Days could not begin, until Jews were living in the Holy Land. But their support had a darker side, believing Israel had come into existence solely to further a Christian fulfillment: Antichrist would help the Jews rebuild their temple, show them he was their hoped-for Messiah, then convert them to Christianity so they could die as martyrs before hideously persecuting and slaughtering those Jews who had not converted, leaving only a few to greet the true Christ at his Second Coming.

In response to their own suffering at the hands of a rationalist modern world, the fundamentalists were determined to unleash their fury as revenge against those who "had started it all," reading their scriptures literally and denying the true test of Christianity to help believers celebrate Jesus' central teaching, the cardinal virtue of compassion.

Then came the chaos of the 1960s with its permissive youth culture, the sexual revolution, the promotion of equal rights for blacks, women, gays; it shook the very foundations of society and re-energized the fundamentalists. For some 40 years, they had been creating their own separate world that rejected both secularists and liberal Christians. They saw themselves as outsiders but, in fact, they were part of a large constituency of Americans united against the cultural and political values of the Eastern Establishment; the time was ripe to open their doors to cultural conservatives and begin to realize their potential as a political movement to redeem American society.

In 1979, the year the Fundamentalists staged their comeback, George Gallup's national poll indicated that one out of three adults had experienced a "born-again" conversion and nearly 50% believed the Bible was inerrant. With around 1300 evangelical Christian radio and TV stations having an audience of about 130 million and profits estimated at "billions" of dollars, the fundamentalists had the people and the resources to exercise their power.

Another contributing factor that led many traditionalists to become fundamentalists was the expansion of States Rights. Fundamentalists were mistrustful of strong centralized government and were outraged by Supreme Court decisions outlawing worship in public schools. The Court was responding to the increasing pluralism of American culture and had nothing against religion, just insisting that it be confined to the private domain. But fundamentalists and evangelicals saw this as one more proof of American culture's godless crusade; they believed that Christianity should be sovereign and were offended that the Courts extended the principle of Freedom of Religion to other faiths.

They had to fight back or there might not be another generation of true believers: between 1965 and 1983, enrollment in Christian schools increased 6-fold with another 100,000 fundamentalist children home-schooled. By the 1990s, their were over-3300 Christian schools: they studied the Christian history of America, examined the religious credentials of American Presidents, read only literature that supported biblical teachings, and stressed "family values,” all with the objective of preparing militant Christians to fight the satanic secularization of America.

In order to mobilize effectively, any group needs an ideology with a clearly defined enemy: for American fundamentalists in the late-'60s and '70s, the enemy was "secular humanism," a caricature of liberalism, in general. Fundamentalists saw secular humanism as a rival religion that had its own creed and its own objectives; they saw it as a conspiracy controlling the government, the public schools, and the television networks in order to destroy Christianity and the American family.

In the past, Fundamentalists had remained aloof from politics: after all, since the world was already doomed except for believers swept up in the Rapture, there was no point in trying to reform it. But as cultural changes expanded and urgency increased, they were no longer content to simply sit back and watch for signs that the Last Days were nigh; some even began to argue that, if America came to its senses, it could remain a world power right through the millennium. In any case, they were ready: they had an enemy to fight, an ideology to inspire them, and, at last, the belief that they were powerful enough to succeed in such a crusade.

The man of the hour was Jerry Falwell; like typical fundamentalists, he had wanted to build a separate, self-sufficient world within his ministry and his college, but as his televised message spread across the land and as the money poured in, separation from satanic society was no longer enough. He wanted to take on the establishment by training "a spiritual army of young people who are pro-life, pro-moral, and pro-America” that would save society. It was no use arguing there was no “secular humanist conspiracy;” they needed their paranoid fear of annihilation. Across America and much of the world, great strides in democracy, freedom and tolerance were experienced as liberating, but the fundamentalists and evangelicals could not see this…not because they were stupid or perverse, but because they saw the modern age as an assault on their most sacred values, threatening their very existence.

In the late-1970s there was an explosion of militant faith throughout the world, from an obscure Iranian ayatollah toppling the Shah to the founding of the Moral Majority to challenge the "secular humanist" agenda. Fundamentalists had become aware of their strength, believed they were facing a unique moment in history, and were determined to change the world. But they had a lot to learn; it is very difficult for a religiously inspired movement to maintain its integrity once it enters the rational, pragmatic, pluralistic world of modern politics. It is very dangerous to try to translate a mythic, messianic vision into practical, day-to-day strategies. But, after decades of humiliation and oppression, the fundamentalists believed they were now chosen to re-conquer the world for God.

It is interesting to note that the inspiration for the Moral Majority came not from fundamentalists or evangelicals but from right-wing political organizers (two Catholics and a Jew) who had already created some political action committees. Frustrated with the Republican party—alienated, even, from Ronald Reagan—they saw the emerging strength of evangelicals and believed Jerry Falwell to be the perfect foil for their political needs. While the Moral Majority was not approved-of by all fundamentalists or evangelicals, it led to what became known as the New Christian Right which went on a crusade against the evil threatening to overwhelm America.

An interesting aspect of their crusade was the place of women: the women's liberation movement filled fundamentalist men and women with sheer terror; to many, feminism was a "disease," the cause of the world's ills ever since Eve disobeyed God seeking her own liberation. They knew the proposed Equal Rights Amendment was a government plot to, in effect, castrate all males. It was up to Christian women to take steps to straighten-out their husbands and return the male of the family to center-stage while re-educating themselves in the value of female self-sacrifice, believing there should be a return to the traditional subservient position of women. American men were becoming too feminine which, among other things, led to that "perversion of the highest order," homosexuality, the result of failed homes fallen prey to secular humanism. This also explained the Moral Majority's hostility to gun control which was aimed at stopping the revival of potent and combative Christian manhood.

At first, the evangelical activists tended to be inept; after all, they were preachers and televangelists, not natural politicians, and the toughest lesson for them to learn was that politics requires compromise; they found they had to dine with the devil, but gradually they learned to play the game. They had some early successes, particularly blocking the ERA, but did not manage to change either federal or state legislation on basic issues like school prayer and abortion, although a couple of states did pass bills allowing for the teaching of Creationsim alongside evolution. But this lack of success did not bother them: their main objective was to build an ultraconservative majority in both houses of Congress; once that had been achieved, everything else would follow.

But their great crusade came crashing down in less-than a decade, the result of scandals from the usual human suspects: power, money and sex. Why did this happen? Was there anything about American fundamentalism that, in effect, set it up for failure? Yes! By perverting their Christian myths to make them scientific facts, they created neither good science nor good religion, running counter to the very nature of spirituality: religious truth is not rational and cannot be proved scientifically; American fundamentalists lost touch with the unconscious, with the deeper impulses of the personality. And, with so many so anxious about potency issues, it should not be surprising that the scandals were primarily sexual, involving some of the most prominent of their preachers. And the vast sums of money they demanded, so incompatible with the Gospel’s teachings, pushed other televangelists over the edge as they, too, lost touch with their religious center; they came to believe that there were no limitations, no moral absolutes of right and wrong; they became performers of spectacle, acting-out their fantasies.

With the New Christian Right being discredited in the mid-‘80s, it was generally assumed that the fundamentalist threat was over. But fundamentalism was not dead; in fact, today it has entered a new two-pronged phase, one becoming far more extreme in practice and the other even more dedicated to traditional political activism to better fight secularism and its government.

On the one hand, there are groups like Christian Identity, Operation Rescue and Aryan Nation: denouncing the pre-millenialist hope for being swept up in the Rapture at the Last Days, they organize and train to fight the forces of evil during Tribulation, the kind of ideology that inspired Timothy McVeigh. They see conspiracy around every corner and no longer concern themselves with difficulties of doctrine and biblical literalism; they want to carve out a separate state just like earlier fundamentalists wanted to do after the Scopes trial but with an unparalleled ideology of rage and practice of terror.

On the other hand, that is not the most alarming manifestation of fundamentalism facing the nation as a whole: the Religious Right has become stronger politically than it has ever been; the top leaders of the majority party in both houses of Congress—who control whether an issue will even be brought to the floor for debate—all received a ranking of 100% on the Christian Coalition scorecard, meaning they voted to support that group’s positions on all their key legislation. By wanting to believe that the Religious Right had finally gone away, opponents allowed it to make huge inroads into established political channels without any close scrutiny of their agenda and resources.

Placing traditional family values at the core of its efforts, they have also been able to coax cultural conservatives into a reinvigorated political activism. And, having already succeeded in their original goal of controlling, at least, the leaders of Congress, their considerable resources of people and money are now aimed at retaining the presidency with its power to appoint new Supreme Court Justices and all other federal Judges in the 2000 election, Bush received 83% of the evangelical vote, 40% of his total votes.

The Constitution is the best friend religion in America has, religious life flourishing precisely because our government (at least usually) has stayed out of the religion business. Efforts to undermine the separation of church and state with an evangelical agenda of returning prayer to public schools, school vouchers, faith-based initiatives (which received billions of tax dollars from federal agencies last year) or having the Ten Commandments posted in public places ultimately destroys the vitality of religious life by making one religious expression mandatory.

Still, Fundamentalism is not going to disappear. Widespread disappointment and disillusionment still feed a fear, alienation and rage that no individual and no pluralistic, democratic government can ignore. Efforts for peace and justice, for equality of opportunity, for healing and compassion—the issues that inspired Jesus’ ministry—seem to have been forgotten by the great majority of fundamentalists and evangelicals. So, what to do? What lessons can we learn that will help us deal more creatively in the future with such expressions of fear and fury by the faithful?

First, we need to remember that, despite of all the scandals—from the ‘80s to today—that seem to discredit the whole of religion, faith remains a force to be reckoned with. Since the beginning of our nation, American Protestants —including Unitarians and Universalists—have used religion to protest against what they saw as unfair policies and conduct of the establishment, and the members of the Christian Right are carrying on this tradition.

Second, do not deny that fundamentalism has empowered and enabled millions to live happier, healthier lives. Yet it has also dented our self-image as a nation: at the same time our rational worldview proclaimed that humans are the measure of all things, it has reminded us of our frailty and our vulnerability At the start of this 21st century, the liberal myth that humanity is progressing to an ever more enlightened and tolerant state looks as far-fetched as any pre-millennial myth; the 20th century has shown that Reason can be as demonic and commit atrocities at least as great as those committed by fundamentalists. Fundamentalism is not going away and, in some of its newest forms, it is more extreme and more dangerous. So what can we rational, liberal religionists do?

Obviously, suppression and coercion are not the answer for they only lead to backlashes that turn fundamentalists even more extreme. Likewise, attempting to co-opt them, courting them for pragmatic secular ends is, also, counterproductive, for sooner-rather-than-later—as they have done for over-75 years—they will withdraw to their separate enclaves to regroup for future battle.

It is important to recognize that these theologies and ideologies are rooted in fear. If a patient brought such paranoid, vengeful fantasies to a therapist, he or she would undoubtedly be diagnosed as "disturbed" if not downright deranged. It is impossible to reason away such fear. A far better response would be to try to appreciate the depth of such neurosis.

And we must be mindful that this movement is not an archaic throwback to the past; it is modern and innovative. They successfully swell their ranks by preaching a theology and an ideology tailor-made to the oppressed of their time and place; an activism that had hitherto been seen as irreligious now fed by a deep-seated hunger by peoples to be religious, despite—and because of—the modern secularist trend.

And so, needless to say, this sermon will have no neatly wrapped solutions. The best I can come up with are suggestions trite-but-true: respect their freely chosen faith; understand their fears and be wary of their fury; and, finally, do unto them as you would want them to do unto you. But when they won’t—and they won’t—then don’t take it personally; remind yourself that it is ideological on their part, not something you’ve said or done to them…and then try to do unto them anyway.

CLOSING WORDS:
(attributed to St. Francis of Assisi)

Where hate rules, let us bring love; where sorrow, joy.
Let us strive more to comfort others than to be comforted,
To understand others than to be understood,
To love others more than to be loved.
For it is in giving that we receive,
And in pardoning that we are pardoned.
.

 

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